Bangladesh Feminist Archives

by Sushmita Meera

As with any dystopian story, it started with the handover of an insurmountable amount of power at the hands of the ill-equipped through the hands of the oppressors. This is, to me, a story of heartbreak as much as it is a story of bravery, unity, and freedom. But we’ll get back to that in a bit. Let’s start with the beginning.

As with all beginnings, it begins well before we remember it. In a country like Bangladesh, where a government job can promise wealth and well-being, repute, and respect, the competition to land such a job is endless. However, the competition for such a job became narrower and narrower with the quota requirements over the years. 

Context

In theory, the quota requirements for the civil services were to be a means of inclusion for the less privileged. To even out the ground for those who were less fortunate and needed elevated access to the same means provided to others. However, it did not remain that way in reality. In the bitter-true reality of Bangladesh, the quota system became a means of reservation for the already privileged groups. A 56% reservation of seats to be filled through quota recruits meant fewer opportunities for the general public—less than half. 

With time, the population has grown, and so has the demand for public service jobs. With a tremendously large volume of job seekers and a bar on the age limit (30 years maximum) to get a civil service job, the general public was outraged and took to the streets.

Background

Students and job seekers pioneered the quota reform movement back in 2018, which is where we remember it beginning. That is what the papers shall speak of when they speak of the common man’s agony. However, there have been small-scale protests on this issue back in 2013 and 2008, but with little to no success or coverage. 

For the sake of this reading, let’s assume the frustration around the unreasonable quota system has existed since long before, that it was not a movement born overnight, but rather a movement that blew up in 2018. 

To understand this story better, you need to understand its two sides. The growing outrage within the general population and the power hoarding of the Hasina government went about perpendicular to each other within the same timeline. Ever since assuming power in 2009, the Hasina government built upon its powers. The fascist ruler tweaked laws, rules, and even public sentiment to build an environment that would let her rule forever. Certain protections were put in place with foreign relationships and powerful local affiliated groups. One such affiliated group was the Bangladesh Chatro League (BCL). They were the lackeys of the government, its student wing, who would ensure violence on anyone who spoke up against this fascist regime.

When the quota reform movement erupted in 2018, the students came forward with a five-point demand. And the members of BCL retaliated with counter-violence to stop the protestors. The vice chancellor of the University of Rajshahi even dubbed the movement anti-government and an attempt to sabotage public peace. There were multiple casualties, including students being tortured and attacked by BCL members. 

However, this time around, the quota reform movement saw some success. The quota system was abolished for first—and second-class jobs, but it stayed in force for other positions.

All was well in Fantasy Land. 

Until it wasn’t.

The Uproar in 2024

With time, the quota reforms that the government offered proved to be counterintuitive since they had not abided by the five-point demands the students had brought forward. Rather they offered a duct tape solution to a crumbling system. In the next few years, the country of Bangladesh became a picture of contradiction. While the fascist government kept riding the ladder of power, the people took to the streets multiple times to have their concerns heard.

While Bangladesh was climbing the economic rope to pull itself out of the Least Developed Country (LDC) status; doing a commendable job in the world’s eyes; the people of Bangladesh were protesting for safer roads and better laws against rape. While the Hasina government sold the picture of a “Digital Bangladesh” to the globe, our unemployment rate grew exponentially. 

Years later that same anguish has taken the face of the 2024 July protests that changed the governance of Bangladesh. 

The Begining

A Supreme Court ruling turned over the previous decision from 2018 regarding quota reforms. It reinstated a 30% quota reservation for descendants of freedom fighters. There was public dissatisfaction with this decision. In the wake of the movement, a politically non-affiliated group called the Anti-Discrimination Students Protest was born on July 01, 2024. On July 4, the group announced a committee of 65 members to ensure the movement succeeds. The new demands echoed the same sentiments as those of 2018. On July 7, protestors launched the nationwide Bangla Blockade, obstructing traffic and rail in major cities and metropolises.

A Turn Towards Violence

The protests started peacefully, demanding a correction to the existing quota system with reasonable margins. But the protestors quickly saw violence as the police opened fire on civilians on July 14. Sheikh Hasina made demeaning comments about the protestors on public television aggravating the situation even more. On July 16, one of the coordinators of the group, Abu Sayed of Begum Rokeya University, was shot dead by the police. This is where the nationwide violence started. 

The government later tried to suppress the protestors by deploying the BCL, Police, RAB, BGB, and other armed forces. The government massacred an entire protesting populace, most of them being university students. The tides turned, nationwide violence was witnessed, and casualties were filed. The different forces of the government showed different forms of violence against the protesting students including shooting tear shells at them. The violent attacks from the Police and the BCL left hundreds injured and the death toll kept going up significantly.  

The New Demands

After the nationwide violence, the protestors came forward with a new nine-point demand.

1. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina should publicly apologize and take responsibility for the deaths of students during the protests.

2. Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan and Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader should resign from their cabinet positions and party roles for their alleged roles in using law enforcement and Chhatra League to carry out violence against the protesters.

3. Deputy inspectors general of police, police commissioners, and superintendents of police in the areas where student casualties occurred must be dismissed from their posts.

4. The vice-chancellors and proctors of Dhaka University, Jahangirnagar University, and Rajshahi University must resign due to their inadequate response to the violence against students.

5. There should be a nationwide ban on the Awami League’s student wing Bangladesh Chhatra League in all educational institutions in Bangladesh.

6. Policemen, law enforcement officers, army/military officials, and any individuals involved in the attacks should be arrested and held accountable according to the laws.

7. Financial compensation should be provided to the families of students who were killed or injured during the protests.

8. All educational institutions and student residential halls should be reopened immediately.

9. Law enforcement officers, including armed forces and other security personnel, should be withdrawn from all educational institutions to ensure a peaceful environment.

Soon, a government-ordered nationwide internet shutdown was authorized on July 18. The protestors did not stop. Amid the shutdown, students kept gathering and protesting for the nine-point demands. The government, in an attempt to curb the outrage, initiated a curfew and shoot-at-sight orders.

After the shutdown and the curfew, the government agreed to negotiate with the movement coordinators. Amidst talk of such negotiations, a key coordinator, Nahid Islam was abducted. He admitted to being blindfolded and tortured and being left at Purbachal. 

Supreme Court Reduces Quota Requirement

On July 21, the Supreme Court appellate division finally passed a decree reducing the quota reservation from 56% to 7%. With this, the protestors suspended the movement for 48 hours demanding that the curfew be lifted and the internet connections restored within the country.

The government later on, announced an “extraordinary holiday” from 21st to 23rd July. Although after the suspension of protests, reports of violence were limited, at least seven people were killed during the shutdown and the subsequent curfew period. A major newspaper found that at least 345 people were killed during the protests and the UNICEF found that 32 of them were children.

How the Hasina Government Retaliated

Things could have ended there, the endless bloodshed could’ve stopped. But the fascists do not like losing battles. So the movement took another violent turn. A turn towards exacting revenge. We now know that this move would cost Hasina her rule. But in the moment, it was a terrifying threat to democracy. It was an ultimatum that said whoever challenges the status quo shall burn at the stake and there’s nothing anyone can do.

On July 26, key coordinators of the movement, Nahid Islam, Abu Bakar Mazumdar, and Asif Mahmudb were detained by the police from the hospital. Later two more coordinators were detained. The official reason provided for their detainment was that the government was trying to provide them security. Later on, this statement changed and the officials said they were detained for interrogations about their alleged connections with other politically opposing parties. Bangladesh had never ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance under the Hasina government because forced disappearances too were a common tool in the fascist government’s arsenal to silence anyone who challenged the system. 

At the time, this caused fear, rage, and resistance. But above all, it caused an uprising.

The general public demanded that if the coordinators are not released the movement will resume again on July 29. On July 28, the detained coordinators released a statement from their place of detainment that they were calling for a withdrawal of the protests. Later the coordinators said that they were coerced into making such a statement. The general public was not fooled. The protests resumed on July 29 in full force. There were demonstrations of resistance all across the country. Police arrested 2822 people from Dhaka from these protests. Soon university professors all across Bangladesh joined the protests under the “Anti-Repression Teachers Rally” banner.

Social Media Uprising

On July 29, Sheikh Hasina, in a cabinet meeting declared July 30 as a national mourning day for the martyrs of the protests. Even though the internet was back, social media platforms stayed inaccessible. People started using VPNs for information and the latest news. While members and supporters of the Awami League party posted black profile pictures on Facebook signifying mourning, the common public used red profile pictures to convey that this mourning was a farce. No one shall be mourned unless and until justice is served.

The 24-hour Ultimatum

On July 29, several prominent figures including lawyers, and professors issued a 24-hour ultimatum demanding the unconditional release of the coordinators.

On July 30, the members of the anti-discrimination students protest called for a “March for Justice”. The demonstration was supposed to take place in front of courts and campuses. From 12 pm to 3 pm, students all over the nation marched towards courts. Around 3 pm, after long shutdowns, Facebook, WhatsApp, and other social media platforms were reopened. 

After the expiration of the 24 hours, people announced that they would go to the DB office on the evening of August 1. While several other new demonstrations took place in universities around the country. To quell the chaos, the government released the six leaders. Upon their release, they said they were tortured in detainment and coerced to put out statements regarding withdrawal of movements. Once released, the coordinators reinstated that they were going to continue the movement. 

As a last resort, Sheikh Hasina proposed peaceful negotiations. The student community was unmoved. They were steadfast in the decision that there could be no negotiation with killers and terrorists. On the evenig of August 3, coordinator Nahid Islam addressed a gathering of students and common people at the Central Shahid Minar and announced a single demand – the resignation of Sheikh Hasina and her cabinet and called for the noncooperation movement.

The Non-Cooperation Movement

The Anti-discrimination Students Movement coordinators outlined directions of non-cooperation on 3 August

1. No taxes or duties will be paid.
2. No bills, including electricity, gas, and water bills, will be paid.
3. All government and private institutions, offices, courts, and mills will remain closed; no one will go to work.
4. All educational institutions will remain closed.
5. Expatriates will not send remittances through banking channels.
6. All government meetings, seminars, and events will be boycotted.
7. Port workers will not attend work; no product will be processed.
8. All factories will remain closed; garment workers will not go to work.
9. Mass transportation will remain closed.
10. Banks will be open every Sunday only for urgent personal transactions.
11. Police will not perform protocol duty, riot duty, or any special duty other than routine duty. Only station police will perform routine work.
12. All offshore transactions will be halted to prevent any money from being smuggled out.
13. Forces other than the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and the Navy will not perform duty outside the cantonment. The BGB and the Navy will remain in barracks and coastal areas.
14. Bureaucrats will not go to the secretariat, and district commissioners or Upazila Nirbahi Officers will not go to their respective offices.
15. Luxury stores, showrooms, shops, hotels, and restaurants will remain closed. However, hospitals, pharmacies, medicine, and medical equipment transportation services, ambulance services, fire services, mass media, transportation of daily necessities, emergency internet services, emergency relief assistance, and transportation services for officials and employees in these sectors will continue. Grocery stores will be open from 11:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m.

The government’s idea of dealing with this was to immediately shut down everything and reinstate the curfew. On August 4, thousands of people gathered at Shahbag demanding the resignation of Sheikh Hasina. The coordinators announced “Long March to Dhaka” to urge people all over the country to march to Dhaka, disregarding the curfew, to push Sheikh Hasina to resign on August 6. Later the demonstration was rescheduled to August 5. 

Sheikh Hasina wanted to stay in power by using force but military officials thought that this could cause a civil war within the country. Military officials ordered all military troops to return to their barracks and not to be involved in shooting at the students. The military also informed Hasina that her safety could no longer be ensured as people were marching to Ganabhaban. Under pressure, Hasina resigned later that day and fled to India with her sister.

In the hours after Hasina’s departure the people stormed the Ganabhaban. The looting and vandalizing that went on put a stain on the hard-earned victory. Many people were split on whether to celebrate the fall of the regime or to be concerned about the looting and vandalizing This would become a common theme in the following days where countless other state properties would be vandalized, and minorities would be attacked and massacred.

Th Hindu communities were thought to be some of the strongest supporters of the Awami league. Soon after the fall of the Awami League, there were reports of violence against Hindu communities. More than 200 houses were burned. Soon after an interim government was formed to deal with state affairs and keep the chaos under control. The new interim government, under the leadership of Dr. Md. Yunus, took oath on August 8. Some of the key coordinators were made advisors for the government. 

The Yunus cabinet is working to restore the economy and public peace within the country before a snap election takes place to welcome a new cabinet. 

After Hasina’s resignation, the police were absent from service and this caused a security threat all across the nation. Multiple accounts of theft and robbery were reported. Following this, several micro movements took place in Bangladesh by sub-groups who all wanted to ensure their rights were being heard.

First, there was a police strike. The police wanted enhanced security for their services. They stated that they were regretful of their position against the students and that they were forced to open fire. 

Then there was a demonstration by Bangladesh bank officers demanding the resignation of certain high-ranking officials due to their involvement in corruption. 

There were several other protests in the following days, all of which the interim government addressed with a promise of reform. How that reform shall take place is still unknown.

Cases have been filed against Sheikh Hasina for the killings of protesting students. During her rule in 2009, legislation was passed offering special security protection to family members of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The legislation has since then been repealed via presidential ordinance. However, whether Hasina is brought to trial is yet to be seen.

The Yunus cabinet has their work cut out for them. While the country dreams of a new tomorrow it is important that we hold those in power accountable. A bloody movement cannot become bleak at the hands of another meek government.

Even though the general public dreams of a better tomorrow with the interim government and the future of Bangladesh and hopes for a more democratic system, several communities and movements have been put on the back burner. For example, even though women, queer and trans communities, and sex workers, all supported the movement in earnest, there have been no advances to protect these communities. In fact, in the days following the inception of the interim government, these very communities, the marginalized, and silenced communities, faced backlash and violence from extremists. 

There is no proper representation within the Yunus cabinet. The little representation that we did get to see was largely tokenistic. Violence against women and gender-diverse communities has reached a new level. The sheer audacity of extremists to ensue violence against women has skyrocketed to the point that they are assaulting unsuspecting women in public in broad daylight. Never in my life have I seen such blatant disregard for law and security just to prove a point. 

However, any critique against the Yunus cabinet is largely seen as anti-student movement by a large number of the public. The anarchy that has ensued after the Yunus cabinet assumed power, is something we must hold them accountable for. If critiquing the government lands us in the face of mob violence, then we have not achieved anything at all. The oppressor has lain down its sword only to be picked up by an ill-equipped knight wearing the same colors. 

I implore the world to keep an eye on us. This is not the end, it is merely another beginning. And, like all beginnings, let’s not forget this one. All eyes on Bangladesh!

Photo Source: The Guardian